Adolpho Lutz: Complete Works

 

The making of many books, my child, is without limit.

Ecclesiastes 12:12

Adolpho Lutz (1855-1940) was one of the most important scientists Brazil ever had. Yet he is one of the least studied members of our scientific pantheon. He bequeathed us a sizable trove of studies and major discoveries in various areas of life sciences, prompting Arthur Neiva to classify him as a “genuine naturalist of the old Darwinian school.” His work linked the achievements of Bahia’s so-called Tropicalist School, which flourished in Salvador, Brazil’s former capital, between 1850 and 1860, to the medicine revolutionized by Louis Pasteur, Robert Koch, and Patrick Manson. When Lutz published his study on Ancylostoma duodenale in Leipzig in 1885, he brought the helminthological research agenda inaugurated by Otto Wucherer into harmony with the theoretical and methodological arsenal employed by German, French, Italian, and English microbiologists and parasitologists. By then, Lutz had already published papers on zoology, clinical practice, and therapeutics during his training in Switzerland, Germany, France, and England. His medical career was to begin in Limeira, rural São Paulo, where he started studying animal diseases not found in Brazil.

During 1885-86, Adolpho Lutz traveled to Hamburg to study microorganisms involved in skin diseases alongside Paul Gerson Unna, then one of the world’s most distinguished dermatologists. In 1889, Unna recommended his disciple and friend for a position as head of medical services at the leprosarium on the Hawaiian island of Molokai, where Lutz worked for nine months. He spent another year practicing medicine in Honolulu, having by that time married the English nurse Amy Fowler. He also lived a few months in California before returning to Brazil.

During his time as director of Instituto Bacteriológico do Estado de São Paulo (1893-1908), Lutz was deeply engaged in both laboratory research and broad-ranging public health activities: sanitation campaigns, epidemiological studies, and heated controversies with São Paulo physicians, principally over cholera, typhoid fever, bubonic plague, and yellow fever.

In 1908, at the age of 53, Adolpho Lutz accepted a post at Instituto Oswaldo Cruz in Rio de Janeiro. Invited because of his extraordinary wealth of zoological knowledge, Lutz was to make a decisive contribution to building the Institute’s biology collections and training the young doctors, all in their 20s, recruited by the director. Lutz taught them how to use many of the tools required to investigate the complex cycles of microorganisms and parasites in human and animal hosts. During his thirty-two years at Manguinhos, Adolpho Lutz produced an abundance of material on such medical topics as schistosomiasis and also on questions of purely biological interest, like anurous amphibians.

During his fruitful scientific life, Lutz traversed a variety of regions around the world: Brazil, Europe, the United States, Oceania, and, in South America, Uruguay, Argentina, and especially Venezuela, where in 1925 he organized the university’s parasitology department. Lutz likewise traversed a variety of territories within life sciences: medical practice, helminthology, bacteriology, therapeutics, veterinary science, dermatology, protozoology, malacology, mycology, and entomology. He left a lasting mark in his studies on glanders, “mal das cadeiras” (horse disease in South America caused by Trypanosoma equinum), equine osteoporosis, cattle plasmodiosis (Plasmodium bovis), parasitosis in both wild and domestic animals, ancylostomiasis, leprosy, skin diseases, tuberculosis, urban and jungle yellow fever (having foreseen the latter), and malaria both in marshy plains and in highland forests, which he was the first to describe.

This versatility casts Lutz as a key figure when it comes to studying the evolution of and interconnections between scientific issues in biology and medicine from the last quarter of the nineteenth through the mid-twentieth century. Adolpho Lutz’s work and its underlying web of conceptual and institutional relations form a superb touchstone that can help us better understand how Brazil interacted with those on the vanguard of tropical medicine. This is especially true of German science, whose influence on Brazilian biology and medicine has been hard to measure not only because of the obvious linguistic barriers but also because our view of this period is tainted by patently Francophile leanings.

During the 1950s, as part of the centennial celebration of Lutz’s birth, Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz and Revista do Instituto Adolfo

Lutz1 featured papers focused on different aspects of his trajectory, written by specialists from his areas of interest and also by his children, Bertha and Gualter Adolpho Lutz. More recently, Lutz was the subject of partial studies in the commemorative book put out at

the time of the Instituto Adolfo Lutz centennial.2 Beyond this, we find passing references to the scientist in dissertations, books, and articles concerned with institutions, personalities, and medical and scientific policies, but these add little to the information found in the studies mentioned above.

In recent decades, the history of sciences and, most particularly, of life sciences has experienced a veritable academic boom. The current initiative to publish Adolpho Lutz’s dispersed works will afford researchers invaluable data for the study of the history of disease, of medical specialties, and of health policies and institutions. Here they will find ample material for developing lines of research as yet incipient in Brazil, such as the history of parasitology, veterinary science, entomology, and other areas of medical zoology.

Access to Lutz’s works and correspondence, much of which had been inaccessible to date, will provide specialists from the fields of medicine, public health, biology, and the environment with information useful in the curatorship of biology collections, the study of species collected by Lutz in what have now become degraded environments, the prevention and treatment of re-emerging diseases, and our understanding of the complex cycles of microbes and parasites in human and animal hosts.

 

The scientist’s collections

With the publication of The Complete Works of Adolpho Lutz, the scientific world and the broader public as well can now enjoy access to a significant portion of the three main collections of archival materials available on Adolpho Lutz, which also contain other vestiges of his labors, found at more embryonic stages of development, more informal in nature, or merely fragmentary.

The collection from the Instituto Bacteriológico do Estado de São Paulo corresponding to the period when Adolpho Lutz was its director is housed at Instituto Adolfo Lutz. Encompassing some forty-four volumes of documentation produced between 1893 and 1908, it consists of basically two sub-sets. Technical and scientific in nature, the first includes manuscripts on diseases and other medical-sanitation issues investigated by Lutz and his assistants in the laboratory and in field; many are unpublished. The second sub-set covers documentation of administrative nature.

Generally speaking, the epidemics and endemics then afflicting the state of São Paulo defined the pace of Lutz’s activities. We can follow their course simply by reading the covers of the bound documents, which form books on cholera (1893-1895), bubonic plague (1900; 1905-1906), typhoid fever (18941899), yellow fever, smallpox (1892), as well as croup, tuberculosis, dysentery, skin diseases, etc.

Lutz’s assistants play a central role in this documentation, as authors or co-authors of numerable lab tests, necropsies, epidemiological research, and experiments with germs confirmed or alleged to be pathogenic. But this material was not produced solely by the Institute’s technical staff. Physicians, liberal professionals, businessmen, and directors and staff at institutions and companies from both rural São Paulo and the state capital all took part in an intense exchange of information about the serious health problems then facing the people of São Paulo.

These books therefore contain reports by authorities from rural towns or by physicians or inspectors from the State Sanitation Service, notes on the ill, autopsies, and also tests of water, objects, and animals suspected of transmitting diseases.

The administrative records show just how Adolpho Lutz conducted these affairs and oversaw his team’s routine activities and emergency responses. This second sub-set contains daily, summarized notes on experiments and studies by the Institute physicians, as well as materials requisitions; vaccine records; reports and other documents on budgets, travel, the reception of authorities, autopsies, bacteriological testing, and the director’s administrative acts; and correspondence with other institutes and authorities. The reports written by Lutz himself, more frequent starting in 1897, show a greater concern with the Institute’s technical and professional structure than with its political projection. Lutz did not find the job’s countless administrative nuisances pleasant, and he compensated by throwing himself enthusiastically into research and the resolution of complex medical and biological questions. These were for the most part quite controversial, and so during these years Lutz had to deal with pressure from numerous interest groups that felt they had been injured by the sanitation measures Lutz either enforced directly or supported with his technical expertise.

It must be pointed out that many of these bound packets of archival materials are in a poor state of preservation. Fading ink makes them almost impossible to read and their fragile, worn pages disintegrate if handled.

The collection also includes bound, photocopied articles by Adolpho Lutz along with publications from the Bacteriological Institute’s library, now stored at the Adolfo Lutz Institute library. In addition to books, there are complete compilations of Brazilian and foreign periodicals like O Brazil-Medico, Centralblatt für Bakteriologie und Parasitenkunde, Tropical Diseases Bulletin, and other equally important journals.

At Fundação Oswaldo Cruz, textual and iconographic documentation on Adolpho Lutz is spread among various collections kept at the Casa de Oswaldo Cruz’s Department of Archives and Documentation. One series, for instance, embraces such jewels as the journals from Lutz’s 1912 trips along São Francisco River and its tributaries and his 1918 travels on Paraná and Asuncion Rivers, the first with Astrogildo Machado, the second with Heráclides Cesar de Souza Araújo and Olympio da Fonseca Filho. Many photographs taken during these expeditions and also during Lutz’s travels to northern Brazil, where he journeyed with Oswino Penna in 1918 to study schistosomiasis, are found in the Iconographic Sector, under the series “Personalities” and “Scientific Activities.” The Personal Archives Sector, “Correspondence” series, houses a number of letters exchanged with Oswaldo Cruz between 1906 and 1908. This correspondence between the directors of Manguinhos Serum-Therapeutic Institute and of São Paulo Bacteriological Institute addresses such matters as sending serum and vaccine manufactured at Manguinhos to São Paulo, and Lutz’s visit to Rio de Janeiro to address the yellow fever question, which included a meeting with members of the Pasteur Institute mission. The two scientists also shared information on insects, parasites, and human and animal diseases found within their jurisdictions. Lutz was asked to classify dipterous insects and to assist with the campaigns against yellow fever in Rio de Janeiro and against malaria at the Madeira-Mamoré railway work yards in the Amazon. Oswaldo Cruz offered his team’s collaboration with Lutz’s planned studies of ticks of the Argas genus; he also congratulated him on receiving a tribute from Frederick Theobald in the fourth volume of his monumental work on

mosquitoes. 3

Containing minutes and copies of official records, these books document many aspects of Lutz’s daily life during the time he was at Instituto Oswaldo Cruz (IOC): his wages and bonuses; the clearances issued to him by railroad and navigation companies for his scientific expeditions; the dispatch of suitcases and trunks filled with laboratory material needed for field research; purchases of glassware, apparatuses, books, and other research material; and so on. Official documents written or received by IOC directors also speak of the affidavits Lutz drew up when asked to analyze organic matter or to classify flies, mosquitoes, and other specimens captured in Brazil or, at times, abroad.

Before we could prepare the originals for The Complete Works of Adolpho Lutz, we had to address the matter of his main collection, stored at Rio de Janeiro’s National Museum owing to initiatives taken by his daughter Bertha, a question we will look at further ahead. Since materials concerning her father were mixed in with Bertha’s own archive, the former were removed from the drawers holding her documentation. We then cleaned the collection on Lutz, the scientist, arranged it in boxes, folders, and bundles, and described their contents. We adopted and expanded the ordering system used by Bertha Lutz, essentially thematic in nature, with an emphasis on her father’s areas of interest and on the diseases he studied. Other topics include: methods and techniques used in research and laboratory diagnostics; the capture and treatment of specimens for zoological collections and studies; scientific travels; relations with collectors and the lay public who caught specimens for Lutz and with professionals who made drawings and etchings of the animals he studied; correspondence with Brazilian and foreign scientific societies and institutions; and, lastly, documentation on the centennial of his birth and on other commemorations and tributes.

Articles by Adolpho Lutz himself, in the form of reprints, pamphlets, newspaper cuttings, and photostats or photocopies, were arranged chronologically in boxes. The material from which these articles were drawn, such as manuscripts and proof sheets edited by the author, have been placed in folders.

The National Museum Collection contains reprints and publications from the scientist’s library, which most likely had been housed in his laboratory at the Instituto Oswaldo Cruz .

While all this material was being processed and described, we recorded Adolpho Lutz’s extensive correspondence in a database, item by item. Most of these were incoming letters, and our efforts to locate more outgoing letters have so far fallen short of expectations. In London, we obtained letters Lutz sent to British Museum entomologist Frederick Theobald, thereby completing the series of Theobald correspondence already in our hands. We also managed to complete his correspondence with Jorge Clarke Bleyer, the physician and naturalist from Hannover who set up Santa Catarina’s public health system. In Cuba, we located Lutz’s letters to Wilhelm H. Hoffmann, supplementing the long series of exchanges with this German physician and zoologist. In Washington, we obtained Adolpho’s and Bertha’s correspondence with Doris Cochrane, a well-known herpetologist from the Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of Natural History. Other material was found in Bern, Hamburg, and Frankfurt, but the World War II bombings of German cities seem to have destroyed the last remnants of Lutz’s relations with that country’s scientists.

Dr. Charlotte Emmerich, who was close to Bertha, gave us letters that Bertha, her brother Gualter, and her mother Amy wrote to Adolpho Lutz from Paris, where they lived during World War I. Margareta Luce, the scientist’s niece, gave us access to valuable family documents. But this type of material is still negligible compared to material on his scientific and medical activities. We never found the bundle that Bertha said she managed to get from a relative in southern Brazil, with letters her father wrote to his family in Brazil during the sixteen years he lived far away from them, in Europe.

In libraries and archives in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, we located articles by Lutz not mentioned in his bibliography, plus some scant iconographic documentation related to the scientist. Ulisses Caramaschi and José Perez Pombal, from the National Museum’s herpetology laboratory, placed at our disposal photographs and original drawings of amphibians, done for Lutz in pen and ink and in watercolor by IOC artists.

It was important for us to gather information on Lutz’s correspondents and interlocutors and on the institutions, societies, and periodicals that made up the network to which he belonged, a network that changed drastically over the seven decades of his professional life. Research is relatively easy for personages who enjoy fame in Brazil or abroad but much harder for ‘ordinary’ people like us, readers, whose names rarely make it into dictionaries, encyclopedias, or even computer sites, no matter how valuable the fruit of our labors. Further complicating things, reference works in English and French (and consequently in Portuguese) place much greater emphasis on scientists working in French- and English-speaking countries than on those from Germany, often the case with Lutz’s correspondence and articles.

Interviews with scientists, relatives, and people who knew Adolpho Lutz or who could provide information on his archives were of great aid in meeting our editorial goals. We reaped precious information from testimonies found in the Casa de Oswaldo Cruz’s oral history collection. Caramaschi and Pombal, of the Museu Nacional herpetology laboratory, have in their care recordings of Bertha Lutz herself, on old magnetic-tape spools. Most register the sounds of toads and frogs, live lectures, or scripts for lectures on feminism. But one reel proved priceless to us: on Lutziana, Bertha recorded interesting facts about her family history and her father’s life, giving voice to the outline of a biography she never put down on paper.

Our biggest obstacle was the German language, vehicle for the greater part of Lutz’s collection. Numerous documents are handwritten in Gothic script or in a hard-to-read cursive style. We had to find translators qualified to tackle these texts, filled with historically dated zoological, botanical, and medical nomenclature that is not always found in today’s dictionaries of technical terms.

 

The genesis of the archive and the memory

During our endeavors to organize the main archive, at Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro, we came across a large number of items of particular interest for their research potential. Our efforts to decipher this complex puzzle, composed of so many age-yellowed papers, brought us to a realization: among the pictures portrayed between their lines was one that extrapolated the lifetime and the works of the man who entwines the threads of this archival ball of yarn. Lutz’s daughter stands out just as boldly (or perhaps more boldly) against this canvas, whose frame likewise encloses other actors recruited by Bertha in her zeal to accomplish a project she pursued throughout her life: immortalizing the memory of Adolpho Lutz.

Bertha Lutz is known above all as a pioneer of feminism.4 We believe it is no exaggeration to say that for her, the memory of Adolpho Lutz was a cause to which she devoted herself with a tenacity much like that devoted to her feminist activism.

Bertha Maria Júlia Lutz was born in São Paulo on 2 August 1894, shortly after her parents settled in that city. For little over a year, Adolpho Lutz had been serving as acting director of the Bacteriological Institute. Amy Fowler would give birth to a second child, Gualter Adolpho, nine years later, on 3 May 1903. In 1908, the family moved to Rio de Janeiro where Lutz began the third phase of his professional trajectory, at the institute which took the name of Oswaldo Cruz that same year.

Bertha did her college studies in Paris, where she lived with her mother and brother, Amy Fowler and Gualter Adolpho, in a rented apartment located at 137 Suffren Avenue. Separated from his family during World War I, Adolpho Lutz cloistered himself inside Manguinhos castle, where he dedicated most of his time entirely to reading, laboratory work, and occasional excursions to gather material for his collections. Bertha’s letters during this period are always in her mother’s native language, English, and addressed to her “darling Doc.” The impression we glean from them is that Bertha was preparing herself to become her father’s assistant, and as soon as circumstances allowed, she devoted herself body and soul to this mission. To give an example, she wrote from Paris on 30 January 1916 to report on progress in her studies of music and biology. Concerned about signs of fatigue she perceived in her father’s letters, she said:

I am sure your collections are very interesting, and I should love

to be there to help. Wouldn’t you like me to go over now? Then I

could help you ... I don’t like your being all alone; besides, I am

sure I should learn heaps more with you practically than at the

Sorbonne. If you think of retiring in a few years, it seems better I

should help you now and do the practical part of my

aprenticeship and I could always study with the books. A degree

is not absolutely essential. After we had worked some time, I

could collect enough material to make a thesis. ... It seems a

pity for you to work alone now when I could help you. ... So think

it over please and decide. You must not think that I could not

come over alone as I can.5

When she finally did begin working as Adolpho Lutz’s assistant, after the war, he was over 60 and already treated with great reverence by his peers, rather like an icon of the sciences. Several papers written at that time were based on documentation already compiled and archived by Bertha, reflecting both father’s and daughter’s concern about safeguarding Adolpho Lutz’s immeasurable scientific legacy: “Reminiscências dermatológicas” [Dermatological recollections] published in 1922 by the Second South American Congress on Dermatology and Syphilography, held in Montevideo; “Reminiscências sobre a febre amarela” [Recollections of yellow fever], submitted to the Fourth South American Conference on Hygiene, Pathology, and Microbiology, held in 1929; and “Reminiscências da febre tifóide” [Recollections of typhoid fever],

published in 1936.6

Bertha earned her degree in natural sciences from Sorbonne’s Faculty of Sciences in 1918 and that same year joined Instituto Oswaldo Cruz Zoology Section — as a translator, and on a voluntary basis, the only way she found to work alongside her father. In April of the following year, she took a controversial public service exam for the post of secretary at the National Museum and was ranked first.

At the close of the 1930s, by which time Adolpho Lutz was already having trouble walking and seeing, Bertha became responsible for his correspondence, for conducting part of his research, and for handling some of the tiresome activities entailed in preparing and publishing his final scientific works, on leprosy and amphibians. “Father’s eyes had given out to the point of not being able to read,” she would later write, “and all my spare time had to go to filling the gaps when his other readers were not with him. I am glad of this

precious time we had together and want now to carry on the work.” 7

Adolpho Lutz died of pneumonia on 6 October 1940. Numerous obituaries in Brazil and abroad praised the work of the “most well-

rounded man of science Brazil has ever had in the realm of biology.” 8 Three weeks later, the Bacteriological Institute of São Paulo, which had closed its doors between 1925 and 1931, was reopened at a new location and christened Instituto Adolfo Lutz, under a decree handed down by the federally appointed “interventor” Adhemar de Barros, which merged it with the Institute of Chemical Analyses (Decree No. 11.526 of 27 Oct. 1940).

Father’s going was a terrible blow to me – wrote Bertha – I was

so stunned by it that even now there are blanks and pockets in

my memory and conscious thought. The whole thing is still

permeated with a feeling of unreality. For a long while, and still

now, at intervals, I feel like a ghost among living human beings.

Only nature and the interests we had in common kept me going.

Often I wished that this dreary war were over and that we might

be going on a long trek collecting in the wilder parts of Brazil.9

Bertha began writing this letter on 15 December 1940 in the city of Petrópolis, where she intended to spend her vacation. She ended up finishing it in Rio de Janeiro when another family tragedy forced her to return shortly thereafter: a cousin who had usually read to Lutz was stricken with a serious, painful disease and passed away, leaving only her older, nearly invalid sister to care for their 90-year-old mother, Maria Elizabeth Lutz, Adolpho Lutz’s only living sister.

On 6 January 1941, Bertha wrote to a friend in the US feminist movement: “I am only now beginning to find my feet and to take the strands of my life. ... So I have taken over the headquarters of the Federation for the Advancement of Women during the summer holidays. ... This seemed the best while I sort the great welter of

papers left by the Federation and Doc (Father).” 10

In a letter to “Dear President Blunt,”11 written on the same date, Bertha explained that her father had left “large collections of zoological and even botanical material behind and many books, valuable notes, and old articles that might well be reprinted after all the years, since they are of interest to the medical history of Brazil and to Tropical Medicine also. ... I expect that it will take some time for me to straighten out all this mass of papers, collections, etc.”

One has the impression that after her father’s death, Bertha began devoting the time she had formerly enjoyed with him to cultivating his memory, thus preserving their symbiotic relationship, which was later transformed into an intense attachment to the materials Adolpho Lutz left behind and to memorializing her father’s life, both in historical and emotional terms. From 1941 through the mid-1960s, she would take full advantage of all opportunities to create and renew relations with institutions, politicians, and intellectuals who could help her achieve the exhibition and publication of his vast works.

From 1941 through 1942, Bertha scoured Rio de Janeiro’s archives and libraries and exchanged myriad letters with the purpose of assembling into an organized archive any of Adolpho Lutz’s letters and works then in the hands of other researchers or of Brazilian or

foreign institutions.12 In a letter to Carl Rudolf Fischer, collector and friend of Lutz’s, she explained: “I’m devoting myself to the great task of organizing my father’s archive, as completely as possible. ... I have in mind its preservation, a catalog of his collections, and publication of a biography, and, if possible, of a complete edition of

Professor Lutz’s works and his scientific correspondence.”13

While pursuing these goals, she arranged for publication of some works on Adolpho Lutz, with the support of Henrique Aragão, IOC director, and with her brother’s aid. Nine years younger than Bertha, the discreet Gualter had studied medicine and in 1928 had published an article together with his father on schistosomiasis. But he specialized in quite a different field, forensic medicine, and became professor of that discipline at Brazil’s National Faculty of Medicine. Introspective, Gualter was an amateur photographer and loved music; his talents as a violinist in fact earned him a number of prizes. In the early 1930s, he married the engineer and feminist Carmem

Portinho but their union was of short duration.14

The first article in a series that Bertha and Gualter entitled “Contribuição à História da Medicina no Brasil” [Contribution to the history of medicine in Brazil] was published in Memórias do Instituto

Oswaldo Cruz 15 . Relying on reports written by Adolpho Lutz when he was director of Instituto Bacteriológico of São Paulo, the siblings chronicled his campaign against cholera in the 1890s as well as his research on dysentery, began the previous decade. Bertha asked Hildebrando Portugal (1944) to write another article in the series, this one on the Lutz-Jeanselme syndrome, a malady first described by

Lutz during his stay in Hawaii.16

 

A museum for Adolpho Lutz

During these years, the memory of Adolpho Lutz almost came to be embodied in an ambitious cultural project in the city of Rio de Janeiro, an idea that evolved from preliminary probings into a rather sophisticated proposal, before retreating to the limbo of aborted ideas.

This happened under the municipal administration of Henrique de Toledo Dodsworth Filho (1937-45), who revived the Haussmannian tradition of great urban reforms in Brazil’s republican capital. Interventor since July 1937, Dodsworth became mayor when Estado Novo was declared into existence, on 10 November of that same year, and held this office until the regime ended on 29 October 1945. Based on plans drawn up by French urbanist Alfred Agache in 1927, the city finished demolishing Castelo hill and laid out Brasil and President Vargas avenues. New tramlines ran to the train terminal built at Largo da Carioca square, the famous Tabuleiro da Baiana, of which so many samba artists have sung.

A roadway cutting through Cantagalo hill linked Copacabana to Lake Rodrigo de Freitas. The construction of Maracanã stadium and the Grajaú—Jacarepaguá highway began. Important leisure areas were created then, as well: Tijuca forest was transformed into a national park; the city zoo was built; green areas like Jardim de Alá and Parque da Cidade were planted. The latter in the neighborhood of Gávea on the land that millionaire Guilherme Guinle sold to the City

of Rio in order to pay off gambling debts.17

In October 1940, shortly after Adolpho Lutz’s death, Dr. Oswino Penna, a researcher at Instituto Oswaldo Cruz who had just been named Secretary General of Health and Assistance, informed Bertha that the mayor was interested in creating a museum of natural history in memory of her father, to be located in Parque da Cidade. Bertha visited the location with Dodsworth, presented him with a draft of the museum project, extra-officially approved by the mayor, and, at his request, forwarded Penna a list of the most urgent measures to be taken if “Dr. Adolpho Lutz Municipal Institute of Natural History” was to be inaugurated, symbolically, on 18

December, date of the honored scientist’s birth.18

Bertha Lutz was well prepared to take full advantage of this opportunity. Her professional experience in museology enabled her to rapidly lend more advanced contours to the draft project. In 1922, the year Brazil celebrated its Independence centennial, she had traveled to the United States for the Ministry of Agriculture, on an assignment involving agricultural teaching, and also to represent Brazil’s National Museum at the Congress of American Museums

held in Buffalo, New York. 19 This was the beginning of broader cooperation between museums from both countries, and Bertha became an important mediator in the drive. In March 1932, the U.S. ambassador invited her to visit his country once again, in name of the American Association of Museums. These institutions had been

adopting a different approach from the traditional European model,20 more democratic in nature in that it sought to make museums an instrument of culture within the public reach, by emphasizing their educational role and interactions with schools.

In the paper she wrote following her trip to the United States, 21 Bertha noted the methods that U.S. museums used to seduce and instruct school children: daily conferences, guided tours through special children’s areas, children’s libraries of natural history, and educational games. In a document summarizing progress on the Lutz project, submitted to Mayor Dodsworth, Bertha wrote:

Modern museums are not merely repositories for specimens but

rather dynamic centers where scientific studies are conducted

on the practical problems of human life and where useful

information is made available to the lay public through

agreeable visual methods.

“Rio has been endowed with extraordinary beauty and natural

wealth. It is better suited than any other city in the world to

organize and sustain a museum of this type, which would be not

merely decorative but useful, both in terms of protecting this

nature, necessary to our rainfall, climate, etc., and also in terms

of sanitation and the study of the biology of the numerous

hematophagous and parasitical species that transmit disease

and that can only be exterminated once their normal ways of life

are well understood and, lastly, by using this natural beauty to

encourage tourism ... Naming the museum after the dearly

departed scientist Adolpho Lutz would be just, since not only did

he earn universal renown, but he is also the only Carioca among

Brazil’s great names in medicine and zoology, and it was he who

initiated the systematic study of Rio’s nature from the

perspective of medicine and zoology and, therefore, of its

relations to human life.22

Bertha’s project took a qualitative leap forward when she recruited an exponent of U.S. museology to develop it: Philip Newell Youtz (1895-1972). As director of the Brooklyn Museum of Art (1933-38), he had implemented vital innovations that drew their inspiration from “a new ideal,” according to which art should no longer be a “luxury

for a privileged few,” becoming instead part of citizens’ daily lives. 23

From 1939 to 1941, Youtz traveled about South America, and it was during this period that he designed the institution Bertha imagined. When he was in Rio de Janeiro with his wife, Frances, in January 1941, he received a warm welcome from the naturalist and her brother. They visited Parque da Gávea, a location the American architect deemed unsuitable because it lay too far from the city’s urban center. In his opinion, the museum should be built on a major artery, preferably the new Getulio Vargas Avenue, just then being laid.

The dialogue between Bertha and Youtz produced a much more ambitious project than the one originally presented to Dodsworth. The Adolpho Lutz Museum proposed by Bertha in her first conversation with the mayor had soon become the “Dr. Adolpho Lutz Municipal Institute, or Musem, of Natural History.” When the American architect came on stage, the name was changed to the “Museum of Life, Proposed Memorial to Adolpho Lutz.” While the institution’s profile was being debated, Bertha mulled over other designations: Museum of Life and Disease, Museum of Life and

Health, and even Museum of Tropical Medicine.24

On 25 January 1941, Youtz committed to paper the general specifications for a five-story building to be erected on a major thoroughfare where crowds of people would pass by. While still in Rio, he did the blueprint of the ground floor. On 8 February 1941, he sent a sketch of the facade from Recife, done in fountain pen for lack of suitable drawing supplies. In a letter from Salvador, dated 4 February, Youtz advised Bertha on how to see the project through to completion and garner the needed support. He added, “I shall be happy to serve gratis as your consulting architect if you find that a

foreign name is any help on your project.”25

The documentation in our hands does not clarify the reasons or the circumstances under which the project was shelved. Perhaps the magnitude and cost had something to do with it. The museum was likely viewed as a threat to both the National Museum as well as Manguinhos, since the new facility would absorb duties assigned to both, under the authority of Bertha Lutz, at a more central and therefore visible location within Brazil’s capital.

Typescripts from the Office of the Mayor of the Federal District (no date) indicate that a number of alternative ways of fitting the museum into the city’s plans were taken into consideration. This lack of definition is symptomatic of the project’s lack of legitimacy. It was, after all, a project that would display the scientific works of Adolpho Lutz on a monumental scale, create a tailor-made space where Bertha could be the custodian of her father’s biological collections, and, furthermore, provide the laboratory and personnel resources needed to continue the research lines he had initiated, the latter two intents clearly discernible in his daughter’s documentation.

When Dodsworth finished his term of office as mayor, the museum was still nothing more than a chimera, the dream of a determined Bertha Lutz, by then internationally known as a feminist leader and to a lesser extent as a zoologist who had produced important works of purely biological interest within a specific realm of natural history: anurous amphibians.

 

The centennial of Adolpho Lutz’s birth

Bertha’s efforts to memorialize her father met with greater success in the 1950s. As part of commemorations of Instituto Oswaldo Cruz’s fiftieth anniversary, Bertha put together an exhibit of Lutz’s works, highlighting his preeminence among the pioneers of tropical medicine and medical zoology in Brazil. She placed special emphasis on his studies of Schistosoma mansoni, differentiation of the amebic and bacillary forms of dysentery, Lutz-Jeanselme

syndrome, and sylvatic forms of malaria and yellow fever. 26

In her 1951 activities report (p. 4) to the National Museum’s Director, Bertha stated that the centennial of Adolpho Lutz’s birth was the top priority among her “future plans” and that her first step would be to

find helpers and organize a “preparatory committee.”27 Bertha Lutz Archive holds numerous letters and documents meant to bring these plans to life, signed by National Museum director Heloísa Alberto Torres (1895-1977). In October 1952, she invited the admiral and engineer Álvaro Alberto da Motta e Silva, president of the Brazilian Academy of Sciences and of the newly created National Research Council, to chair the centennial’s organizing committee. Its honorary chairman was Minister of Health Mario Pinotti, a malariologist. Other members included the director of Instituto Adolfo Lutz, Ariosto Büller de Souto; IOC director, Olympio da Fonseca Filho, soon replaced by the cardiologist Francisco da Silva Laranja Filho; entomologist Ângelo Moreira da Costa Lima; physician Arthur Moses; and Carlos Alberto Seabra, heir to a vast textile and real estate fortune, ardent enthusiast of entomological studies, and generous sponsor of countless researchers. “Dr. Bruno Rangel Pestana, Lutz’s former assistant in São Paulo (fifty years ago), and I are non-appointed

helpers,” wrote Bertha Lutz. 28

On 17 June 1953, the committee appointed by the National Research Council defined the following goals:

a) preparation of a book with a complete bibliography of the

honored scientist, where the title of each work will be

accompanied by an abstract and comments;

b) reprinting of his most important works that are currently

difficult to obtain;

c) publication of a biography written according to modern

technique, relying on Adolpho Lutz’s works, travel notes, and

correspondence, along with interviews with people who knew

him well;

d) fabrication of vermeil medallions to be distributed to scientific

institutions;

e) placement of a bust of the scientist in front of the Adolfo Lutz

Institute (São Paulo);

f) distribution of his complete works (microfilmed) to five major

Brazilian scientific institutes;

g) printing of a postage stamp with his effigy;

h) publication of an album on Brazilian anurous fauna, a project

commenced by the scientist himself and continued by his

daughter, Dr. Bertha Lutz;

i) two large ceremonial sessions—one at the Brazilian Academy

of Sciences (Rio de Janeiro) and one in S. Paulo—with the

participation of all of these cities’ scientific bodies”.29

The first items on this ambitious list would be impossible to realize without Bertha’s endeavors to locate her father’s scattered published texts. Other figures took part in updating his bibliography. Their point of departure was the detailed list compiled by Herman Lent in 1935, corrected by Arthur Neiva and Assuerus Hippolytus Owermeer, Manguinhos librarian, and published in Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz (vol. 36, no. 1, pp. i-xxiii) in 1941, as an appendix to the obituary written by Neiva.

In mid-1953, Heloísa Torres asked Biblioteca Nacional to locate journal articles published by Lutz, and in early 1954 she sent Prof. B. Spielhoff, of Leipzig, a list of titles that had been published in Dermatologische Wochenschrift since 1885. She asked him to acquire copies and also, if possible, to obtain information on Paul Gerson Unna’s estate, which might hold correspondence with the

Brazilian scientist. 30

In a letter to the director of the National Museum, dated 28 November 1953, Bruno Rangel Pestana mentioned titles not listed in the 1941 bibliography and estimated how much it would cost to complete this work and to microfilm or copy what was already available. It appears that microfilming was concluded in December

1954. 31 Two years earlier, Bertha had been authorized to use

Museum funds to purchase bibliofilms during a trip to England.32 In a letter written on 18 August 1954 to Dr. E.G. Vogelsang, dean of the Faculty of Veterinary Medicine in Maracy (Aragua, Venezuela), Bertha remarked that Brazil’s National Research Council had given her “the pecuniary means needed to organize Dr. Lutz’s archive and collections and to catalogue these for possible publication. Both projects are well underway.”

We saw earlier that Bertha had been dedicating herself to the task of organizing her father’s archive ever since his passing. The same was true of his scientific collections, in this case for reasons not limited to memorializing him. They would not only help sustain his memory but also serve as ballast for Bertha’s independent career as a zoologist officially connected with the National Museum and, on a volunteer basis, to Adolpho Lutz’s laboratory at the Instituto Oswaldo Cruz.

Among the scientist’s last works, three stand out. In them, he discusses new species of a family of amphibians designated Hylae and on mosquitoes that bite anurous creatures. They were published in Annais da Academia Brasileira Scientífica in 1938-39, in co-

authorship with Bertha Lutz.33 In a letter dated 10 May 1939, to Thomas Barbour, director of the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard College in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Bertha wrote of her father’s precarious state of health and advised that his studies on

anurous amphibians were now under her responsibility.34 The question of the organization and curatorship of Lutz’s collections at the Instituto Oswaldo Cruz was the object of extensive correspondence between 1940 and 1950, and here Bertha also found a firm ally in Heloísa Alberto Torres. In 1941, she authorized Bertha “to study or promote the study” of the material gathered by Adolpho Lutz. Bertha also gained the support of Lauro Travassos, head of the IOC’s Division of Medical Zoology, who, “fearing that Lutz’s collections might be lost, received through the National Museum and the University of Brazil the collaboration of Dr. Lutz’s

daughter, ‘at no charge’, to oversee the collections.” 35

In the years leading up to the centennial celebration of Adolpho Lutz’s birth, Bertha headed a small, hard-working team that was wholly dedicated to cataloging these collections and completing the archive of publications, manuscripts, correspondence, and other of her father’s documents. In 1962, she would be forced to vacate Dr. Lutz’s laboratory at Manguinhos. At the time, a technical committee was appointed to register the material in the laboratory and commence division of the specimens belonging to Manguinhos and to the National Museum. After some tense meetings, committee members agreed that the vertebrate collection would remain with the

Museum, and its transfer was made official on 17 June 1963. 36

 

The Publication of Adolpho Lutz’s works

Among the goals set by the centennial committee were the compilation and publication of the scientist’s complete bibliography, the writing of a biography, and the reprinting of his most important works. In November 1954, Bertha told Heloísa Alberto Torres that Francisco Laranja, director of the Instituto Oswaldo Cruz, had agreed to bring out part of Lutz’s unpublished works in a 500-page volume of Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz. “He asked if I wouldn’t be interested in publishing one through the Museum (whether the Atlas or his works in zoology, botany, travels, etc.).” Bertha gave Laranja a list of titles whose contents comprised a total of 598 pages, 15 engraved plates, and about 78 drawings. She also suggested that a portion of Adolpho Lutz’s correspondence be

published.37 In January 1955, she mentioned her attempts to publish in São Paulo the work Lutz had produced as director of the Bacteriological Institute. She then entered negotiations with the National Museum over republication of his biology works and publication of catalogs of his collections, as the latter were made ready. This editorial project received the backing of the Minister of Education and Culture, who promised to support the publication of two books presenting little-known work by Lutz, of difficult access for

Brazilian physicians.38

It all came to nothing. The only publications that found their way into print were those in Revista do Instituto Adolfo Lutz, along with

articles on the scientist’s life and work written by third parties.39 Bertha allowed the authors to access Dr. Lutz’s “vast archive, organized, at least in rough terms,” and called their attention to unpublished information found in her father’s correspondence with Eberth, Theobald, Bancroft, Oswaldo Cruz, and others. She suggested they analyze his various fronts of activity and proposed the bilingual publication of reports and documents written by Lutz in São Paulo. Only a “planned concatenation,” she stated, could reveal his scientific personality, “within the austere lines that characterized

him.”40

Bertha’s archive contains various drafts for the large public exhibits held in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The latter, the bigger of the two, was organized at the National Museum. As Adolpho Lutz’s most notable trait, it portrayed his combination of medical culture with vocation of naturalist, he also emphasizing his pioneering role in

applying knowledge from these different fields to tropical medicine. 41

The topic of entomology was a highlight at both exhibits. Campaigns against malaria vectors had been underway in Brazil since the 1940s, and these even involved widespread destruction of

bromeliads in the south.42 Through Billings, president of Light &

Power,43 Bertha obtained photographs and plants from the area in Cubatão mountains, where her father had been in 1897, during construction of the rail extension between São Paulo and Santos. Drawings and photographs of bromeliads were also used to illustrate the research that had led him to discover that these plants were home to the vector of forest malaria (designated Anopheles lutzii by Theobald and now known as Kerteszia cruzii), almost at the same time Ronald Ross showed that other members of the anopheline family transmitted the traditional malaria found in swampy plains.

As the centennial of Adolpho Lutz’s birth approached, the campaign to wipe out the urban yellow fever vector, Aedes aegypti, was drawing to a close and widespread use was being made of the vaccine against jungle yellow fever, identified in rural Espírito Santo

in 1932 by a team led by Fred L. Soper, of Rockefeller Foundation.44 Bertha Lutz tried to gather evidence that would convince the national and international scientific community that her father had actually been the first to recognize the existence of a modality of yellow fever in forest lands, whose vector was not Aedes aegypti. In early 1889, Lutz had been in Campinas combating a serious yellow fever epidemic. He had observed cases of the disease in the forests surrounding the work yard of the railway that was to connect this city to Funil, and also noted the absence of the domestic mosquito that had tormented him in Campinas. He did not draw any explicit cause-and-effect relation between the mosquito and the disease, and at that time published nothing on the topic. Only much after Finlay’s theory had been demonstrated, was he to record it as suggesting that yellow fever could occur in the absence of Stegomyia fasciata (Aedes aegypti). This was in “Reminiscências” (1930, p.127-42), written during the epidemic that raged through Rio de Janeiro in 1928, by which time specialists were already debating the epidemiological anomalies that would lead to the discovery of jungle yellow fever four years later.

The opening ceremonies of the centennial 45 of Adolpho Lutz’s birth took place on 15 December 1955. They fell short of the steering committee’s June 1953 plans. A bibliography of the scientist’s work was published, but although it was more complete than the 1941 version, it was not annotated. It began with a very concise introductory text on his life and work that far from constituted a “biography written according to modern technique,” relying on

“interviews with people who knew him well.” 46 A stamp bearing his effigy entered circulation but the bust in front of Instituto Adolfo Lutz would only be put in place in the 1960s, when the Institute celebrated its Silver Anniversary. No medallions were printed for distribution to scientific institutions. Adolpho Lutz’s works were microfilmed and sets of them were printed on photographic paper and deposited at Adolfo Lutz and Oswaldo Cruz Institutes. The only remaining set, consisting of several leather-bound volumes, is held by Lutz Institute, which also holds the original microfilms. Although Adolpho Lutz archive, organized by Bertha, possesses another set of photocopies, they are in disarray. The scientist’s most important or most inaccessible works were not published, nor was the album on Brazilian anurous fauna, began by Lutz and continued by Bertha.

In fact, the high points of the centennial were the ceremonies held between 15 December 1955 and 4 January 1956 in Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, and Belo Horizonte, under the sponsorship of the Brazilian Biology Society, Minas Gerais Academy of Medicine, the Brazilian Academy of Sciences, Adolfo Lutz Institute, São Paulo Academy of Medicine, São Paulo Medical Association, and, lastly, the National Museum.

Once the commemorations were over, Bertha persevered in her efforts to get Adolpho Lutz’s scientific works published. She even sought the aid of Fred Soper, then director of the Pan-American Sanitation Office, who stated he was sorry he couldn’t help because

publication funds were tight.47

At the initiative of an Executive Committee, Instituto Adolfo Lutz celebrated its Silver Anniversary on 25-27 October 1965, wich provided another chance for Bertha to bring her editorial project to fruition. She suggested to São Paulo Governor Adhemar Pereira de Barros, who had been her father’s student, that Lutz’s works be re-

published “in their entirety or in part.” 48 The governor limited himself to forwarding the request to the University of São Paulo press (Edusp), arguing that the works were scientific and not literary in nature, much to Bertha’s disappointment. She wrote to Carlos da Silva Lacaz, member of Edusp’s editorial board and director of the Institute of Tropical Medicine, part of USP’s Faculty of Medicine. She tried to explain the dimension of the material to him:

These works were produced during 61 years of research, nearly

a total of 200 papers, although generally not very long. They

were written in a number of languages besides Portuguese:

some in German, others in English, French, or Spanish. They

encompass various branches of medicine, such as leprosy,

mycology, tropical disease, clinical practice, etc. They also

include parasitology and medical zoology – for example,

helminthology, several branches of medical entomology, and,

lastly, non-applied zoology (serpents and amphibians).49

Lacaz promised he would help realize “such a fine, noble, and

patriotic idea.” 50 In a letter to Mário Guimarães Ferri, chairman of USP’s Editorial Committee, Lacaz raised the possibility that Instituto Adolfo Lutz might cooperate, although “its budget does not suffice to publish the Opera ommia of the esteemed Brazilian researcher.” He also suggested that the press could seek assistance from São Paulo State Research Foundation (FAPESP) and from the National

Research Council.51

Bertha was encouraged by Ferri’s response: he was interested in the proposal and asked for more precise data on Adolpho Lutz’s works. She then sent him the centennial bibliography and pointed out: “Most of Lutz’s classic works were published in Germany before Brazil had any specialized journals. They are in fact the ... most original and significant, and also the least well known of his works in Brazil and in English-speaking countries. A translation would perhaps be of

greater interest.” 52

Ferri’s succinct reply fell like a bucket of cold water on Bertha Lutz: the university’s publication funds had run out; “you might start looking for a private publisher interested in printing the aforementioned work, which would receive our press’s usual collaboration. As to whether the works should be translated, I believe

you would know that better than we.” 53

While Edusp did not close its doors to the project, it did leave Bertha the onus of seeking out partnerships with private publishing houses, who were unlikely to throw support behind such a monumental editorial venture of little market value. Her archive shows no record of her having made further efforts in this direction. And when Bertha Maria Júlia Lutz passed away in Rio de Janeiro on 16 September 1976, the archive itself fell victim to the fateful inertia that so often prevails within Brazil’s government, through its cultural and scientific institutions, relegating the works of an entire lifetime and, by extension, the achievements of entire generations of the country’s brightest minds to bookworms and the dust of neglect – in short, to oblivion.

Exhausted from years of endless struggle, Bertha delegated to future generations the task of seeing her project through. In her will, registered at the 24th Notary Office on 21 September 1972, she left a bequest to fund publication of her father’s complete works and his biography, as well as an atlas of anurous amphibians of Brazil, illustrated with her brother’s photographs, and a history of Brazil’s feminist movement.

When we took up this endeavor, heirs to what remained of Bertha’s efforts, we were unaware that in large measure we were resuming a project she had attempted with only partial success.

 

The project

The project that resulted in the present publication commenced in August 2000. Its results to date have been made possible thanks to assistance from several sources: Brazil’s National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq); Casa de Oswaldo Cruz’s Strategic Research Program (PEP) and the Research Support Program, both part of the Fundação Oswaldo Cruz; Rio de Janeiro Carlos Chagas Filho State Research Foundation (Faperj); and Instituto Adolfo Lutz. During a second phase, financial backing came mainly through amendments to the Federal budget made by illustrious parliamentarians representing Rio de Janeiro: Jandira Feghali, Jorge Bittar, Fernando Gabeira, Alexandre Cardoso, and Miro Teixeira. More recently, we have relied on Brazil’s cultural sponsorship law (Lei de Incentivo a Cultura, Programa Nacional de Apoio à Cultura, Lei 8.313, of 23 Dec. 1991).

Project activities have been guided by a set of coordinated goals. Publication of Adolpho Lutz’s works implied the reorganization of his main archive, located at the National Museum in Rio de Janeiro, and a mapping of the archives located at the Casa de Oswaldo Cruz (COC) and Instituto Adolfo Lutz. This approach enabled us to create a virtual library similar to those established for Carlos Chagas

(www.prossiga.br/chagas/), Oswaldo Cruz

(www.prossiga.br/oswaldocruz/), and Vital Brazil

(www.prossiga.br/vitalbrazil/), which were products of a partnership between the COC and Prossiga, the very last program under the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development. Unfinished as yet, the Adolpho Lutz Virtual Library is a joint initiative of teams from the COC and the Latin American and Caribbean Center on Health Sciences Information, known as BIREME. Once these objectives have been fully achieved, we will move on to other initiatives that will disseminate the works of this great Brazilian scientist among a broader public: a documentary, an exhibit, a seminar... These are the kinds of things we hope to be working on in the near future.

The publication of The Complete Works of Adolpho Lutz is the project’s backbone. Our initial plans were for three thick volumes divided into parts, somewhat resembling a medical treatise – that is, hard to handle and, given the quantity of texts, hard to ever finalize as well. When a highly experienced publisher from São Paulo, Maria Apparecida Faria Marcondes Bussolotti, joined our team as a consultant, we decided to break these volumes into boxed sets of smaller, independent books, with each set corresponding to one of the volumes foreseen in the original project.

Each individual book brings together Lutz’s writings on one or more topics and is prefaced by area specialists who analyze how those particular works pertain to modern science. The books all begin with an introductory, historical contextualization as well, written by project team members. These prefaces and introductions have been translated into English. Within each book, Lutz’s work has been arranged in chronological order.

The boxed sets hold three to five books a piece, plus a booklet of abstracts (in Portuguese and English) on the papers included therein; indexes in the three main languages of Lutz’s work (German, Portuguese, and English); and a bilingual glossary (Portuguese and English) of technical terms and names cited by Lutz. Glossary entries present information on current definitions along with explanations about the meanings of the terms at the time Lutz employed them. Previously published works and unpublished manuscripts in German have been translated into Portuguese, while facsimiles of the original texts have also been reproduced. When it was possible to enter originals in computer format, we have instead published a digital version of the German text.

Originals written in English, French, Italian, and Spanish have been left in those languages. Also included are previously unpublished English translations of some of Lutz’s essential works, found in his archive and translated by his son Gualter or by someone else, at Bertha’s request. The archive generally contains different translations or one typed text with different hand-made corrections. In all cases, these translations have been revised and often times altered by the editors of the present work.

All non-Portuguese texts are presented first, on odd-numbered pages. Works originally published by Adolpho Lutz in Portuguese have been edited in accordance with current linguistic standards and style rules to facilitate reading by our different target publics. Scientific names have remained unchanged but in English versions we have replaced Lutz’s Latin spellings of disease names whenever a different term has come into use – for example, ancylostomiasis instead of Ankylostomiasis. Current rules governing zoological and botanic nomenclature were applied to the names of microorganism, animal, and plant species, back then generally written in small capital letters.

It is with great satisfaction that we present to the public this first volume of The Complete Works of Adolpho Lutz, which includes three books: First works: Germany, Switzerland, and Brazil (1878-1885); a book that groups together numerous articles and papers on Leprosy; and one dealing with two of Lutz’s other areas of renown as both physician and scientist: Dermatology and Mycology.

The general plan is to extend Lutz’s Works for another five volumes, not necessarily to be published in the order presented below:

The second volume will comprise four books. The first will focus on Lutz’s works on yellow fever and malaria while the second will cover part of his entomological work, an area where he did some of his most notable studies. Since Lutz published a large quantity of papers on the latter topic, those dealing with Tabanidae appear in a separate book, the third of this volume. The fourth in the set will address the field of protozoology, which is of course closely tied to studies on malaria and mosquitoes.

A third volume will consist of three books, the first bringing together texts written by Lutz at Instituto Bacteriológico de São Paulo, many unpublished to date. The second will deal with the topic of therapeutic and research methods, and the third, veterinary science.

The bulk of Adolpho Lutz’s production in zoology will be placed in a fourth volume. One book will be devoted to a field of special renown within Lutz’s overall work: helminthology. A second will present works on arachnids, reptiles, crustaceans, and mollusks, and the third, on amphibians. The last in this set will be a reprinting of a work first published in Caracas in 1955 by the Universidad Central de Venezuela, entitled Studies on Venezuelan zoology and parasitology [in Spanish].

Two of the five books in the fifth volume will be devoted to reports on Lutz’s travels during the 1910s, originally published in Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz: the first, with Astrogildo Machado, entitled Travels on the S. Francisco River and on some of its branches between Pirapora and Joazeiro; the second, in collaboration with Heráclides Cesar de Souza Araújo and Olympio da Fonseca Filho, entitled Scientific journey to the Paraná and Asuncion Rivers, returning by way of Buenos Aires, Montevideo, and Rio Grande. The third book, to be entitled Adolpho Lutz’s Scientific Collections, will assemble texts by the curators of zoological and botanical collections that include a larger or smaller quantity of materials gathered by Lutz at Fundação Oswaldo Cruz, the National Museum, and other institutions in the United States, Germany, England, and Switzerland. This set will also include two books whose working titles are Adolpho Lutz: A Biography, written by the project’s editorial team, and Tropical Medicine: A Multi-faceted History, a collection of essays by Brazilian and foreign authors that will help place Lutz’s wide-ranging achievements in a broader perspective and proper historical context.

The sixth volume will not necessarily be the last but will certainly demand the most work, since it will bring together the larger part of Lutz’s correspondence. Our prime criterion in organizing it will be chronological. The result will be three books: one corresponding to the period of 1878-92 (from the completion of Lutz’s university studies until he took office at the Bacteriological Institute of São Paulo); the second, covering 1893-1908 (until his transfer to Instituto Oswaldo Cruz); and, lastly, covering 1908-40. His personal correspondence and his administrative correspondence from his time at the Bacteriological Institute will be grouped into separate books. A general index to this volume, together with specific indexes for each book, will help the reader access correspondence by either topic or correspondent.

Team and collaborators

The books you now hold in your hands, and the other ones we hope you will soon have, are fruit of the labors of a project team and its network of collaborators, whose composition underwent changes in the course of our work.

The project team initially included a number of history students holding CNPq scholarships. All made valuable contributions during their time with us: Michel Gherman, through October 2001; Morgana Barison, through March 2002; and Paulo Cesar Gil Ferreira Junior and Victor Leandro Chaves Gomes, through August 2002. Tatiana da Silva Bulhões is still with us, and Márcio Magalhães de Andrade left only recently to begin his master’s studies at the House of Oswaldo Cruz. Since Márcio’s thesis on Hanseniasis draws on his experience with Lutz’s material, he will maintain close ties with the project. Talita Gross, who held a CNPq scholarship until graduating in German literature, is now one of the team’s key members. Methodical and exacting, she has become very accomplished in handling both printed and hand-written German texts. The historian Mônica de Souza Alves da Cruz, who joined us in March 2002, is our diligent center-fielder: she is in charge of workflow in data entry, translation, and editing and also watches over the complex ramifications ofAdolpho Lutz’s physical archive and our endless generation of digital archives.

Since May 2002, Irene Fachin Souza has been busy keying in documents for publication or research. In 2003, Marilene Lima Figueiredo was responsible for the project’s secretarial duties, an assignment taken over in January 2004 by Célia Primo de Souza Silva.

The Adolpho Lutz collection was cleaned by Fernando Raymundo Cunha, a specialist from the House of Oswaldo Cruz’s Department of Archives and Documentation. His team first comprised the historian Francisco dos Santos Lourenço and the archivist Renata da Silva Borges, both connected to the project “Fiocruz’s Scientific Collections,” coordinated by Magali Romero Sá (COC) and Delir Corrêa Gomes Maués da Serra Freire (IOC). Archive organization continued with Anne Caroline de Carvalho Nunes, Bruno Perrone da Rocha, and Marcelo Assunção. The librarian Erica Nunes Portela is completing the detailed description of the archive’s contents and helping enter data for the Adolpho Lutz Virtual Library. Also participating in building this library are Mônica Cruz; Sarah Tavares Pimenta, a librarian specialized in Latin American and Caribbean Health Sciences (LILACS) methodology; and Isis Francisco de Paula, who does data entry. Once description of the Adolpho Lutz collection is complete, catalog codes will be assigned to folders and bundles by Maria José Veloso da Costa, head of the National Museum Archive, and her team – our dedicated project partners.

While Tatiana Bulhões was mapping out the documents on Lutz that are stored in the COC collection, the historian Alinnie Silvestre Moreira was describing Bacteriological Institute documents located at InstitutoAdolfo Lutz. She was responsible for digital entry of a good share of this data and also researched public and private archives in São Paulo.

Once we had attained a certain level of organization and recognition of the collections, we could move more quickly in processing the originals of Adolpho Lutz’s work and in our research on its historical context. In May 2003, Prof. Maria Apparecida Faria Marcondes Bussolotti, creator of the Universidade do Livro (University of the Book), began acting as a consultant for the editorial project and brought the endeavor to its current form.

The team was divided into various work fronts. The research group gained strength with the entry of the historians Luís Octavio Gomes de Souza, Jacqueline Ribeiro Cabral, and Tatiana Bukowitz. In addition to investigating sources and data, they began to draft texts for the Virtual Library and the glossaries that accompany Adolpho Lutz’s Works, while also helping to edit the scientist’s articles and correspondence. CNPq fellows Tatiana da Silva Bulhões and Demian Bezerra de Melo (with the project since April 2003) helped research written sources and more recently have moved on to iconographic research.

The historians Vicente Saul Moreira dos Santos and Giselle Sanglard collaborated with data research. Giselle made available information from her fine master’s thesis on Swiss immigration to Brazil. The biologist Vinicius Ribeiro Cabral assisted us in reflecting on Lutz’s ideas about the leprosy microorganism.

The Virtual Library received a big boost in October 2003, when Dr. Jorge Walters, Dr. Nádia Hommerding, and the team from BIREME’s Information Technology Development area added their efforts, along with those of two very skilled professionals from the COC: Paula Xavier dos Santos, coordinator of the History of Biomedical and Health Sciences Information Group, and Aline da Silva Alves, responsible for support and development of ISIS tools at the House’s Information Technology service.

During the second semester of 2003, text editing was divided. From June to December, Irene Ernst Dias, a highly proficient copyeditor and translator, processed the originals for the volume of Adolpho Lutz’s incoming correspondence, under the orientation of Maria Apparecida Bussolotti and with the further assistance of Jacqueline Ribeiro Cabral. They oversaw the workflow of data entry, translation, and text editing, as well as the research and creation of entries on Adolpho Lutz’s correspondents. Two professionals in German literature – Gean Nunes Damulakis and Tania Cristina Soeiro Simões – were hired to compose summaries of letters written in this language.

Maria Elizabeth Rossignol Cobra, a part-time member of the team from June 2002 to October 2003, did the initial editing of the originals of Adolpho Lutz’s scientific articles, with the aid of Maria Alzira Brum Lemos. Beth Cobra and Mônica Cruz managed the workflow of translations, digitization, and data entry for these originals and supervised the comparison of translated and digitized texts with their originals, a task performed by Julia Nogueira de Sousa Pechman and, at its peak, by Nerval Mendes Gonçalves, together with other team members. Concomitantly, literature students Nathalia Coutinho Pereira and Miriam de Andrade Levy drew up abstracts of Adolpho Lutz’s scientific articles for both hardcopy publication and inclusion in the Virtual Library.

Through mid-2003, our processing of originals involved the whole of Lutz’s works. Almost all of his scientific production and part of his correspondence was translated and entered into computer format. However, once we modified our project design, efforts were concentrated on the material presented in these first three books of The Complete Works of Adolpho Lutz, along with the booklet of indexes, the bilingual glossary, and other related information. Irene Ernst Dias, Talita Gross, and Miriam Elvira Junghan, who joined our team in October 2003, played fundamental roles in the tough job of revising German translations into Portuguese, many of which presented problems. Talita, Miriam, and, more recently, Elisa Maria Ramalho Ortigão also contributed to the research needed for the historical introductions published inWorks. Specifically, they translated or summarized primary and secondary German sources on institutions, processes, and personalities having to do with the Brazilian scientist.

Final editing of the texts contained in Works – and in some cases a second editing as well – was handled very capably by Armando Olivetti Ferreira, from São Paulo, who maintained close contact with our consultant Maria Apparecida Bussolotti in regard to standardization.

A number of translators have rendered their services to the project, putting into Portuguese articles and letters published or written in German and, in the latter case, also transforming manuscripts into a legible digital German. At the beginning of the project, the list included Gastão Rene Friedmann, Lore Patzak, Valburga Huber, Luis Montez, and, especially, Saulo Cruz Gomes. Dr. Charlotte Emmerich and Dr. Margarete Emmerich achieved remarkable results with a very challenging part of the correspondence. During a second phase, translations were done by Álvaro Bragança, Jutta I. Gruetzmacher, and, especially, Theodora Breitkopf Fay and Ana Lúcia Ferreira Portilho. Sonia Lepore Gibelli translated letters from the Italian into Portuguese. Fernanda de Padua Schnoor, Liv Rebecca Sovik, Diane Grosklaus Whitty, Lisa Earl Castillo and Terence Edward Hill translated into English prefaces and supplementary parts of the books now entering print.

Special reference should be made to the individuals who did the technical editing of translations: Dr. Ortrud Monika Barth Schatzmayr (virologist) and professors Nelson Papavero and Johann Becker (zoologists). Becker, who also translated letters and articles, was a true partner in this editorial undertaking, placing his profound knowledge of biology and his vast culture at our service. We likewise counted on the inestimable collaboration of Jutta Aurelie Ebeling, librarian at Rio’s Goethe Institute for many years, who assisted with the translation of letters and especially in deciphering difficult manuscripts, where earlier translators had left many gaps.

Last but certainly not least important, we must make particular mention of the excellent work of Fernando Vasconcellos, the visual programmer responsible for graphic design, images, and electronic editing. Fernando was also of great service in preparing materials for publicizing the project.

We would be remiss if we did not thank the many people who helped us overcome obstacles along our way. Laura Maria Gayer Takchi, head of the National Museum Library, generously welcomed us into her space and in many ways made our work there run smoother. The librarian Vera de Figueiredo Barbosa and her assistants Antônio Carlos Gomes Lima and Marcelo Francisco de Souza were always most solicitous. Alexandre Correia, Fátima Duarte de Almeida, José Ricardo Pinheiro, Marieta Oliveira de Paula, Conceição Mendes, Rose Tenório de Oliveyra, all librarians at Fundação Oswaldo Cruz, and Rosalynn Leite, with the Brazilian Society of Dermatology Library, spared no efforts in facilitating our access to the collections under their care. We were equally well received at Instituto Adolfo Lutz by Aquila Maria Lourenço Gomes and her team at the Basic Services Division and also by Sislei Bernardes Jorge, then responsible for the library.

Fernando Alves Pires, vice-director of the Casa de Oswaldo Cruz, enabled both our partnership with BIREME as well as the agreement between the COC and the National Museum, the latter in collaboration with Lisabel Espelet Klein, currently assistant to Paulo Ernani Gadelha Vieira, vice-president of Institutional Development, Information, and Communication at Fiocruz, to whom we are also extremely grateful for the support extended to us. Luiz Fernando Dias Duarte, then director of the National Museum, and Gustavo Alves Nunan, coordinator of our agreement with this institution and ichthyologist with the vertebrate department, did their utmost to bring the project to fruition. Jorge Alves de Oliveira, of the ichthyology sector, aided us in solving logistical problems numerous times. In this same realm, we owe an immense debt of gratitude to Marcello de Campos Santana, Carolina Christina do Sacramento Santana, and their team at the Information Technology Service (COC), who countless times traversed the formidable geographical distance separating us from them, in order to come to our rescue during computer emergencies.

Many different people played a role in enriching Adolpho Lutz’s collection and making this publication a reality. Dr. Charlotte Emmerich and Dr. Margarete Emmerich, who were both very close to Bertha Lutz, granted us the letters that Bertha, her mother, and her brother wrote to Adolpho Lutz during the First World War. José Perez Pombal, herpetologist at the National Museum, provided us with the tapes on which Bertha recorded her father’s story. Dr. Marcelo Alvares Corrêa, physician and researcher at Instituto Adolfo Lutz and one of the greatest scholars on Lutz’s life, donated priceless documentation to the National Museum. Dr. Marcelo and his gracious wife, Dr. Lucia de Lacerda Corrêa, biologist and researcher, likewise at Instituto Adolfo Lutz, opened their personal archive to our team and often received us for delicious conversations and culinary treats. We are grateful to William Roberto Lutz and Margareta Luce, Adolpho Lutz’s nephew and niece, who furnished us with precious information and material on the scientist and his family. Margareta connected with the project body and soul and helped us in all ways possible, including the translation of texts used in research. We would like to thank Esmeraldino Augusto de Souza, former aid to Bertha Lutz, and Dr. José de Barros Ramalho Ortigão Junior, former student of Adolpho Lutz’s sisters, for their rich testimonies.

Anwey Skinsnes Law, a fervent activist in movements to defend the victims of Hanseniasis, gave us access to unpublished documents and notes on Adolpho and Amy Lutz’s stay in Hawaii, information she is gathering as part of her research on the history of Hansen’s disease in that archipelago. We are grateful to Jo Robertson, researcher with the Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine at Oxford and coordinator of the Global Project on the History of Leprosy, for opening doors around the world so we could communicate with more researchers dedicated to the history of Hansen’ disease.

It must be said that it has only been possible to realize Bertha Lutz’s dream of seeing her father’s works published thanks to the support of the Fiocruz press, headed by the competent João Canossa, and to the support of the institutions who provided us with funds: the National Council on Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), Rio de Janeiro Carlos Chagas Filho State Research Foundation (Faperj), Fundação Oswaldo Cruz, Instituto Adolfo Lutz, and the National Museum. No less important were the contributions of Dr. Sidney Bittencourt, budget and financial oversight consultant for the Chamber of Deputies; Rio de Janeiro’s illustrious state representatives, Jandira Feghali, Jorge Bittar, Fernando Gabeira, Alexandre Cardoso, and Miro Teixeira; and also Dr. Luiz Pinguelli Rosa, president of Eletrobras (Centrais Elétricas Brasileiras S.A.).

We would like to close out our acknowledgments with a very special note of appreciation to Teresinha de Jesus Thibes Bleyer Martins Costa, granddaughter to one of Adolpho Lutz’s important interlocutors: Dr. Jorge Clarke Bleyer. Lutz’s letters to Bleyer led us to Teresinha and her husband, Taliarbas Silva Martins Costa, our guardian angels throughout the long journey that has finally led to the books we are pleased to deposit in your hands, reader, with the hope that your travels through their pages will prove as constructive and pleasurable as ours.

 

Notes

1 While we have opted to maintain the original spelling of Adolpho Lutz’s name, the São Paulo institute bearing his name adopted the new Portuguese orthography, replacing “ph” with “f.”

2 José Leopoldo Ferreira Antunes et al. (ed.), Instituto Adolfo Lutz: 100 anos do Laboratório de Saúde Pública (Ed. Letras e Letras, 1992).

3 This work by Frederick Theobald was entitled A monograph of the Culiciidae or mosquitoes: mainly compiled from the collections received at the British Museum from various parts of the world in connection with the investigation into the cause of malaria conducted by the Colonial Office and Royal Society (London, printed by order of the Trustees of the Museum, 5 vols., ill., atlas, 1901-10).

4 Regarding this topic, see Abreu and Beloch (1984); Rachel Soihet, “A pedagogia da conquista do espaço público pelas mulheres e a militância feminista de Bertha Lutz,” Revista Brasileira de Educação ANPED (Rio de Janeiro: Ed. Autores Associados), no. 15, special issue, 2000; Érico Vital Brazil and Schumaher (eds.) Dicionário Mulheres do Brasil: de 1500 até a atualidade (Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar, 2000); and Jaime L. Benchimol, Magali Romero Sá, Márcio Magalhâes de Andrade, and Victor Leandro Chaves Gomes, “Bertha Lutz e a construção da memória de Adolpho Lutz,” História, Ciências, Saúde – Manguinhos, v.10, n.1, Jan-Apr 2003, p.203-50.

5 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 249 (family correspondence).

6 “Reminiscências dermatológicas,” Segundo Congresso Sul-Americano de Dermatologia y Sifilografia, El Siglo Ilustrado (Montevideo: Tip. San José 938, 1922), has been republished under the same title in book three of this first volume of The Complete Works of Adolpho Lutz. Book one of the second volume will include “Reminiscências sobre a febre amarella no estado de São Paulo,” Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz (Rio de Janeiro), v.24, n.3, p.127-42, Oct. 1930. This paper was originally published in the annals of the Fourth South American Conference on Hygiene, Pathology, and Microbiology, vol. 1, 2nd part, pp. 803-18. “Reminiscências da febre typhoide,” Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz, v.31, n.4, 1936, p.851-68, will be republished in book one of the third volume of the present edition of Lutz’s Works.

7 Letter to Dr. Thomas Barbour, director of the Museum of Comparative Zoology of Harvard College, Cambridge, Massachusetts (6 Jan. 1941, BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz)

8 Obituary by Guillermo B. Schouten (13 Mar. 1941), published in Revista de la Sociedad Científica del Paraguay on 15 Aug. 1941, p.132-3. See also the speech by Mello Leitão before the Brazilian Academy of Sciences on 10 Dec. 1940, published in Medicina Social: Sanatórios e Hospitais – Assistência Social no Brasil, Mar. 1941, p.3-8 (BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 179,maço 1; pasta 255, maço 2; and pasta198, maço 2).

9 th Letter to Mr. Alston, “Rio. Begun at Petrópolis Dec. 15 Finished here, Jan. 3d. 1941” (BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz).

10 This letter to “Dear Friends” (Rio, 6 Jan. 1941, from Edifício Santa Branca, apt. 81, 1 p. typescript) appears to be addressed to the wife of Prof. Sharp, who had sent her a copy of his book on international politics. BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz.

11 Rio, 6 Jan. 1941, 1 p. typescript. Same information concerning location. BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz.

12 In this regard, see BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço 1; pasta 184, maço 1; pasta 209, maço 4; pasta 255, maço1.

13 Draft of a letter probably written in July 1942. BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço 1; see also pasta 238, maço 1.

14 Gualter was also a surgical dentist with a degree from Brazil’s National School of Odontology. When he completed his medical course, with a thesis on the etiopathogenesis of elephantiasis of the vulva, he received both a Visconde de Sabóia and a Berchon des Essaerts award, as well as a trip abroad. He worked as a translator at Instituto Oswaldo Cruz from 1922 to 1927. The article he published in collaboration with Adolpho Lutz was “Bilharziazis oder Schistosomum infektionen,” Jena: Gustav Fischer Verlag/Berlin and Vienna: Urban & Schwarzenberg, 1928, p.873-906. It was originally published as chapter 23, authored by W. Kolle (Frankfurt am Main), R. Kraus (Vienna), and P. Uhlenhuth (Freiburg), in Handbuch derpathogenen Mikroorganismen, W. Kolle and A. V. Wassermann (eds.) (Jena: Gustav Fischer Verlag/Berlin and Vienna: Urban & Schwarzenberg, 3rd ed.), v.6, n.27, p.873-906. Gualter wrote several articles on forensic psychiatry. He passed away at the age of 66, on 5 June 1969. See Gualter Adolpho Lutz, Relação sistematizada de documentos para a inscrição no concurso para professor catedrático de higiene e odontologia legal da Faculdade Nacional de Odontologia da Universidade do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Gráfica C. Mendes Junior, 1939); Hygino de Carvalho Hercules, excerpt from the inaugural speech by Prof. Hygino de Carvalho Hercules upon taking his chair in forensic medicine at UFRJ’s Faculty of Medicine on 9 Dec. 1987, Charlotte Emmerich Collection. On Carmem Portinho —third woman in Brazil to receive a degree in civil engineering, director of Rio’s Modern Art Museum for over fifteen years, and founder of ESDI (Escola Superior de Desenho Industrial) — see biographical entries in Brazil and Schumaher (2000, p.135-7) and Cientistas do Brasil, Depoimentos (São Paulo: Sociedade Brasileira para o Progresso da Ciência-SBPC, 1998, p.653-60).

15 “Contribuição à história da medicina no Brasil segundo os relatórios do dr. Adolpho Lutz, director do Instituto Bacteriológico do Estado de São Paulo, 1893-1908. Apresentação – introdução – coléra asiático em São Paulo – disenteria,” Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz, v.39, n.2, 1943.

16 Hildebrando Portugal, “Contribuição à historia da medicina brasileira segundo os trabalhos antigos do professor Adolpho Lutz: a história definitiva das Nodosidades de Lutz-Jeanselme,” Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz, v.41, n.3, Dec. 1944, p.525-8.

17 On this topic, see Memória da destruição: Rio — uma história que se perdeu (1889-1965), Alzira Alves de Abreu and Israel Beloch (eds.) (Rio de Janeiro, Prefeitura da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, Secretaria das Culturas, Arquivo da Cidade, 2002, p.39-43) and Dicionário Histórico-Biográfico Brasileiro (Rio de Janeiro, CPDOC/Fundação Getúlio Vargas, 1984, 2nd ed., 2001).

18 BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória.

19 BR. MN. Library. “1922 Activities Report,” p.47.

20 On this topic, see Maria Margaret Lopes, O Brasil descobre a pesquisa científica: os museus e as ciências naturais no século XIX (São Paulo: Hucitec, 1977).

21 BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Luz.

22 Summary of the measures and of the project to create the Lutz Museum, probably intended for the mayor, typed on paper with a National Museum letterhead; no title, no date, 3p.BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória.

23 Brooklyn Museum of Art Archives. Records of the Office of the Director. Series: Philip Newell Youtz. Inclusive dates: 1933-1938 (bulk); 1928-38 (inclusive). Extent: 16.25 linear ft. Database Access: ARCH/DIR. More information on Youtz and his relationship with Bertha Lutz can be found in Benchimol, Sá, Andrade, and Chaves (2003, p.203-50).

24 “Questions submitted in regard to the suggestion that the Memorial be a Museum of Life” [in English], typescript, with changes in pencil and “Questions as to the Building” hand-written in pencil. Another folder holds a draft, in pencil, of these questions, where it states that these were “submitted by Bertha Lutz to Mr. Philip N. Youtz in regard to his suggestion of a Museum of Life.” BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória.

25 Letter by Philip N. Youtz, written from Salvador, Bahia, Palace Hotel, dated 4 Feb. 1941. Also a letter by Philip N. Youtz, written in Recife, Pernambuco, Grand Hotel, dated 8 Feb. 1941, to Bertha Lutz, addressed to Edifício Santa Branca, 130A Apparicio Borges Ave., apt. 81; RJ. “Museum of Life — Proposed Memorial to Adolpho Lutz,” 25 Jan. 1941. Typed on paper with the letterhead “Philip N. Youtz, A. I. A. Architect —New York,” 2p. BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória.

26 Outline written for the event. BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 181, maço 1. Letters dated 7 and 8 July 1950.

27 “Relatório de 1951 da naturalista Bertha M. J. Lutz,” 6 pp. See BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória.

28 Draft of a letter to E.G. Vogelsang, dean of the Faculty of Veterinary Medicine in Maracy (Aragua, Venezuela). BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória. 18 Aug. 1954. See also BR. MN. Archive. Director’s Office, box 69, and Outgoing Official Letters [Ofícios Expedidos].

29 BR. MN. Archive. Director’s Office. Letter no. 285.

30 BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória. Official Letters [Ofícios] 341 and 377, July 1953, and letter dated 27 Feb. 1954.

31 BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória.

32 Letter from Heloísa Alberto Torres to Bertha Lutz, in care of H. W. Parker, of the British Museum (Natural History), dated 14 June 1952. BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória.

33 “Hylideos novos do Brasil” (v.11, n.1, 1937 [1939], p.67-89); “On Hyla aurantiaca Daudinand Sphoenochynchus Tschudi and on two allid Hylae from South-Eastern Brazil” (v.10, n.2, June 1938, p.175-94); “I — Notes on the genus Phyllomedusa Wagler ... II – Mosquitoes biting batrachians and phragmosis in casque- headed frogs” (v.11, n.3, p.219-63). See also Bertha Lutz, Anfíbios anuros da coleção Adolpho Lutz do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz,” Memórias do Instituto Oswaldo Cruz, v.46, n.1, p.295-313, 1948.

34 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 70, maço 2.

35 BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Letter dated 2 Apr. 1963, sent by Bertha Lutz to the director of Brazil’s National Research Council.

36 BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória. Copy of official letter [ofício] 301 by Joaquim Travassos da Rosa, IOC director.

37 BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória. Letters from Bertha Lutz to Heloísa Alberto Torres, dated 20 Nov. 1954; from Bertha Lutz to Francisco Laranja, dated 9 Dec. 1954.

38 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço 1.

39 Maria Sabina de Albuquerque, “Dr. Adolpho Lutz,” Revista do Instituto Adolfo Lutz, v.10, sole issue, 1950, p. 9-30; Fernando Cerqueira Lemos, “Contribuição à história do Instituto Bacteriológico — 1892-1940,” Revista do Instituto Adolfo Lutz, v. 14, special issue, 1954, p.5-161; and also the articles by John Lane, Afrânio Amaral, and other authors in Revista do Instituto Adolfo Lutz (São Paulo), v.15, special issue, 1955, p.57-62.

40 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço1.

41 BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória.

42 On this topic, see Gilberto Hochman, Maria Teresa Bandeira de Mello, and Paulo Roberto Elian dos Santos, “A malária em foto: imagens de campanhas e ações no Brasil da primeira metade do século XX,” História, Ciências, Saúde — Manguinhos, v.9, supplement, 2002, p.233-73.

43 BR. MN. Fundo Bertha Lutz. Memória.

44 On this topic, see Jaime Larry Benchimol (ed.), Febre amarela: a doença e a vacina, uma história inacabada (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Fiocruz, 2001).

45 See, among other newspapers, Folha da Manhã (18 Dec. 1955), O Globo (19 Dec. 1955), and Jornal do Commercio (18-25 Dec. 1955 and 5 Feb. 1956).

46 National Research Council and Adolpho Lutz Centennial Committee. Adolpho Lutz (1855-1955): vida e obra do grande cientista brasileiro (Rio de Janeiro: Jornal do Commercio, Rodrigues & Cia.), 1956, 55p. It includes an introduction, biographical data, presentation, bibliography of Lutz’s work, a biographical summary (in English), articles on Lutz (with biographical notes), a list of publications on the centennial, and major newspaper coverage in 1955-56.

47 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço 1.

48 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço 1. Letter dated 11 Apr. 1966. See the entry “Barros, Adhemar de” in Abreu and Beloch (1984).

49 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço 1. Letter dated 17 May 1966.

50 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço 1. Letter dated 20 May 1966.

51 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço 1. Letter dated 11 June 1966.

52 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço 1. Letter dated 1 Sep. 1966.

53 BR. MN. Fundo Adolpho Lutz, pasta 238, maço 1. Letter dated 12 Oct. 1966.